Last post for the old guard?
Have Indonesia’s oligarchs
performed their final farewell tour?
More than two decades after the fall of second president Soeharto’s
authoritarian New Order government a commoner has retained the presidency.
The forecasts were close
to spot-on; Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo, 57, once a furniture factory owner from Central Java, has again defeated challenger former
general Prabowo Subianto to win a second five years in office.
Bureaucrats are still
thumbing through maybe 130 million or more voting slips from 800,000 booths,
but all quick-counts show Jokowi with around a ten-point lead. The official result won’t be known till May.
So far Prabowo’s team
hasn’t made good on threats to call out the mobs. But it refuses to concede defeat. Dangers lurk.
Hot-tempered Prabowo
is a bad loser. He told reporters he
expected 63 per cent of the vote. He’s
getting around 44 per cent. So the present figures, if confirmed, will eviscerate
the hard-liner’s Trump-size ego. Even if
the streets stay calm the Constitution
Court will be flat tack for months handling
challenges.
Overall it seems the
issues that kept mild-mannered Jokowi safe were economic, and not religious as
anticipated. He also listened. Prabowo shouted.
Yesterday’s show has been a re-make of the 2009 election when
sixth President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono scored a further spell in the palace.
As in the US,
the Constitution allows only two terms in the top job. So the former general
had the opportunity to implement reform instead of handing out sweeteners and
incinerating principles to enhance re-election.
He blew it. For half
a decade little happened because SBY didn’t want to queer the pitch for his
soldier son. Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono
was pushed by family to grab the old fellow’s baton, but the pass was fumbled.
Not that it made much difference because SBY’s Democratic
Party is waning fast. So far no other mob
can see the 45-year old’s leadership potential as paraded by his parents.
Maintaining personal political dynasties has long trumped
public service as a driver for power in the world’s third largest
democracy. The Republic’s founder was Soekarno. His daughter Megawati as vice president became
the fifth president in 2001 when Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) stepped down after
being threatened with impeachment.
She lost to SBY at the 2004 and 2009 elections and since
then has been grooming her daughter Puan
Maharani to stand when Jokowi retires in 2024.
At this stage her ambition seems doomed. Puan, 45, Coordinating
Minister for Human Development and Cultural Affairs in Jokowi’s
first Cabinet (allegedly appointed at the insistence of Mum), is one dull polly. She’s done little of note and is not a public
favourite.
It seems unlikely that Prabowo, once Soeharto’s son-in-law, will
try again for the top job in 2024 when he’ll be 72, more unfit and less rich.
This means his quest to honor the fame of his late father Sumitro Djojohadikusumo also withers. Dad was minister for the economy, and
minister for research and technology under Soeharto. The family claims Javanese aristocracy.
Prabowo’s only child is son Ragowo Hediprasetyo, 34, an unmarried fashion designer and
socialite based in Paris
and with no interest in politics or the army. Jokowi’s three kids are also
staying clear of the dark arts and bang-bangs, so no power hand-downs here.
Will Jokowi now introduce the reforms he promised five years
ago but didn’t deliver? These are mainly
human rights issues which haven’t ignited the general electorate, so change is
unlikely.
The massive road, rail and port infrastructure programme
will continue but sometime soon the Chinese and Japanese lenders will start to call
in the debts. To boost revenue the tax
take needs to improve exponentially.
There are many anomalies.
Buy a meal in a McDonald’s or KFC and find a ten per cent levy on the
meal, while local restaurants nearby don’t include the impost. Only 38 million
people (the population is above 260 million) reportedly pay tax, so most have
little idea of the philosophy, and even less enthusiasm.
In the West death and taxes are inescapable. In Indonesia it’s only the grave.
Food costs are rising because much is imported. Java is extraordinarily fertile but farming remains
stubbornly manual. Jokowi has socialist
leanings and will give more business to state-owned enterprises, though that
last word is a misnomer. Few are slim
get-up-and-go outfits.
Corruption continues despite arrests of high level officials
and long prison terms. Here’s a chance
for the President to make a difference, but so far few signs of the
determination needed. Jokowi and his backers don’t have the political will for
change shown by the late Lee Kuan Yew in his successful purge of graft in Singapore.
Jokowi has been little concerned with foreign affairs. Whoever wins next month’s Australian election
will face a tough slog to get the President seriously interested in working
with his neighbour.
Education remains a total mess. This is well understood; the system needs a
top-to-toe shake-up. If second-term
Jokowi can exercise the muscle his legacy will be the generations ahead
equipped to handle the future.
Practically it’s payback time, so the next task will be
distributing goodies (mainly Cabinet posts) to the nine parties that backed the
largely secular Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) (around 25 per
cent of the vote), and its candidate Jokowi.
Prabowo’s Gerindra Party (12 per cent) had a coalition of four, mainly
Islamic.
The worry is that ultra-conservative cleric and new vice
president Ma’ruf Amin, 76, will try to enforce even stricter Islamic codes on
the nation. Then Bali’s
partyland lights could start to dim, forcing Western hedonists to seek other
lands to empty their pockets.
It could also put the frighteners under Australian unis keen
to help get the nation’s clapped out tertiary sector back on the road. Who’d push if the driver hates gays, liberals
and pluralism?
If the left-overs from last century’s non-democratic Indonesia
really retreat to their villa verandahs, the names to watch are all middle
aged, smart, articulate, cosmopolitan, religious moderates and civilian:
Anies Baswedan, currently Governor of Jakarta, Ridwan Kamil,
Governor of West Java, and Sandiago Uno, the megarich businessman who was Prabowo’s
sidekick.
If they get the tick in five years, then Indonesia will
have really made a break with the past.
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First published in Pearls & Irritations, 18 April 2019: http://johnmenadue.com/duncan-graham-last-post-for-the-old-guard/
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