Stepping carefully Down Under
After two years
in office Indonesian President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo has an Australian visit scheduled
for November. Outcomes and hopes may not sync.
Duncan Graham reports:
Jokowi’s door
knock comes a year after new Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull’s invite when the men
spent a half day together in Jakarta. That
speed date was billed as a relationships ‘reset’ after drug smugglers Andrew
Chan and Myuran Sukumaran were executed in April, 2015. Australia was outraged
and ambassadors recalled.
Jokowi was urged
to rapidly ride the goodwill wave that followed Turnbull’s unseating of Tony
Abbott. The former PM had been on the
nose in Indonesia for coupling Australia’s 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami aid with
appeals to end the death penalty.
The President
ignored the advice. Turnbull’s
popularity rapidly waned. In July he
called an election but plans went awry.
His conservative
government now holds office by a whisker. A rise in right-wing bigotry has let
the Islamophobic One Nation Party into the Senate, and the mining-dependent
economy has slumped.
Then Indonesians
learned they’re unloved. An
Australia-Indonesia Centre survey showed 47 percent of Australians view their
northern neighbor unfavourably – preferring folk from almost anywhere else in
Asia - even repressive China.
On the ledger’s
other side 87 per cent of Indonesians had positive views of Australia, mostly
gleaned from the media for few visit; here’s another matter to address as visa
rules and costs are travel deterrents.
When announcing
Jokowi’s first State visit Down Under, Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi promoted
the nebulous STD formula - Security, Trade, and Defence – as reason enough for
chats.
Free trade is
top of the menu, but unlikely to yield as Indonesia is deeply protectionist. More
Australian investment depends on Indonesia establishing the rule of law and
crushing corruption.
Marsudi said the
President’s trip would ‘enhance economic cooperation’. Also in bold type: Counter-terrorism, cyber
crime and people smuggling plus fish and beef issues. All necessary – and insufficient.
‘Bi-lateral
ties’ feature so commonly in these pronouncements that every male delegate
should wear one; female negotiators could model ‘close-knit relationships’
which are forever ‘warm’.
Jokowi’s attendance
at the 2014 G20 Brisbane summit was
not a State visit. This time he
may include Sydney where his eldest son, businessman Gibran Rakabuming
Raka, 28, had some tertiary education.
The President is
expected to address the Federal Parliament in Canberra but he’s neither an
orator in his own tongue nor a competent English speaker. He won’t eclipse his predecessor Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono’s stirring speech in 2012 labelled ‘transformative’ by hardnose
political commentators.
The euphoria
didn’t last. A year later international media revealed that Australian spies
had been bugging the phones of SBY and his wife Ani. Abbott refused to apologise.
There’ll be more
official announcements as Jokowi’s schedules are sharpened, maybe a few
cultural exchanges and some flavoursome clichés. Turnbull has already matched Marsudi’s
rhetoric with statements about ‘deep and broad-ranging’ partnerships.
So far nothing
to indicate any lasting intellectual engagement to dilute the distrust exposed
by the AIC poll. Indonesian language and
culture studies, which should be the foundation for better understanding, are
dropping off the curriculum despite academic protests.
Earlier this
year Australian National University Professor Frank Bongiorno wrote of
Australian leaders’ ideas about Asia. He
said many have ‘a narrower vision of relations with Asia … As in the past, the
temptation is to try to bend Asia to the economic and political purposes of the
present’.
Some issues won’t bend to fit the Australian
agenda. Seaweed farmers in the eastern
islands want Jokowi to scrap the 1997 treaty between Indonesia and Australia on
the Timor Sea Exclusive Economic Zone.
The farmers are suing for damages allegedly caused by the Montara 30,000
barrel oil spill which polluted the Timor Sea after a 2009 drill rig blowout.
The treaty, signed when dictator General Soeharto held power, is also
under attack by Timor Leste. The former
Indonesian province wants the document reworked to give a greater share of
undersea resources. The parties have
been before the UN Conciliation Commission.
Should the mild-mannered Javanese
leader speak up Australia is likely to use the ‘legal processes underway’
excuse to dodge debate.
Less easy to avoid is Indonesia’s
treatment of Papuan dissidents which concerns human rights advocates. It’s also rattling Pacific nations which see
a Melanesian bond with indigenous Papuans.
Vanuatu and Solomon Islands raised
their worries at a UN Human Rights Council session in June. They were slapped down by Indonesian
delegates using their standard ‘sovereign rights’ argument against outside
involvement in domestic issues.
Australia’s official position has
long been non-interference and recognition of Indonesia’s ‘Unitary State’, but
NGOs don’t do the diplomatic waltz.
Allegations of civilians abused by
heavy-handed military don’t get much airplay in Indonesia; but they do in
Australia where church groups and activists back self-determination for what
they call West Papua.
The issue of almost 14,000 asylum
seekers stranded in the archipelago en-route to Australia when the smugglers’
boats were stopped may also get an airing. Australia wants a ‘regional
solution’ but Indonesians say that’s NATO – No Action, Talk Only.
Indonesia’s harsh treatment of
gays is another issue which might rile protestors.
Although no Australians are
currently on death row, abhorrence of capital punishment is widespread and
likely to be raised in demonstrations. Security will minimise direct Presidential
embarrassment, but accompanying journalists will not ignore placard wavers.
The shriller the statements, the
more Indonesians will be inflamed as nationalism sweeps the nation. After the
executions of Chan and Sukumaran The
Courier Mail ran a front page mock up of a smiling Jokowi showing a bloody
hand.
Anything similar this time could
result in the President cancelling his walkabout and staying home where the
electorate still loves its leader.
But all this could be drowned by
an event far from Australian-Indonesian relations. Although official dates for Jokowi’s visit
have yet to be announced insiders say it’s currently scheduled to start around
10 November. The Canberra Parliament then rises for an 11-day break.
By then the media typhoon will be
swirling around results of the US Presidential election leaving space for
little else.
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(First filed on 18 October. An edited version was published in Strategic Review on 4 November when more details of the President's trip were known.)
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