FAITH IN INDONESIA

FAITH IN INDONESIA
The shape of the world a generation from now will be influenced far more by how we communicate the values of our society to others than by military or diplomatic superiority. William Fulbright, 1964

Monday, April 29, 2024

FOXED TO FIX PROBLEMS? TRY THE MILITARY WAY



 THE LEARNED SOLUTION: FIX PROBLEMS WITH VIOLENCE




Are you well-armed, fired up, pitchfork to hand?  The quarry is elusive, his background suspect but we know his name - DV. Are we getting closer?

Every case is searingly awful  but overall there have apparently been changes, with Crikey using  Australian Institute of Health and Welfare data to claim domestic homicide rates have fallen:

“A decade ago over 60 women a year were murdered by partners; the number has been below 50 since 2018.”  Allegedly there have been 25 so far this year.

Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus reckons there’s a “crisis of male violence”.   PM Anthony Albanese has said   “men and boys have to clearly have discussions about these issues.”

Swag of reasons have been offered, from lousy parenting, bad teachers,  mental sickness, economic distress, social snubbing, feeling worthless, being jobless and - according to Opposition Leader Peter Dutton -   entertainment, technology and rudeness:

“I think social media has a role to play here. The computer games that young boys are playing where violence is a very significant part …what they’re seeing on social media, the normalisation of all of that, it’s just the lack of manners in society more generally…”

However, there's one rarely mentioned reason, discomforting to raise in Anzac Week:  Militaries train men to believe problems have to be solved by violence and that's embedded in our culture.

Unless a family member is involved most Australians don’t get to see military top-ups at Kapooka, the training base for our 28,000 soldiers near Wagga Wagga, so little public debate.  

But Indonesia makes enrolments public and celebratory like those in the East Java garrison city of Malang. The latest was last weekend.

Admiring friends and families, youngsters flanked by proud Dads and tissue-clutching Mums watched their adolescent friends, brothers and sons walk through the guarded gates.  Sisters and daughters weren’t seen.

Months later the crowds will be back blocking the street again and this time allowed closer to the parade ground.  Here their upcoming heroes will show how they've transformed from ambitious individuals or aimless youth to robots.

They’ll be shouldering tools designed to smash with efficiency the bones, flesh and organs of people just like them and us but with other ideologies.

How can any nation halt violence, international or domestic, when it trains its males to solve problems with brutality?  US psychologist Abraham Maslow is remembered for his aphorism: “If the only tool you have is a hammer, you tend to see every problem as a nail.”

For hammer read fist, gun or knife.

For personal safety and threatening suicidal extremists violence is probably the only answer; but for all face slaps and insults, why does defence so often become offence? 

Like Australia, Indonesia has an appalling DV record though much under-reported because of public shame, poor police training and a culture that says hits in the home are a private matter.

Public barbarity sets the tone.  Back in 1965, the military helped militias slaughter real or imagined Communists in a genocide of half a million or more fellow citizens. Five Australian journalists were murdered in Balibo, East Timor, 50 years ago.

Just before the new century arrived so did mobs in Jakarta killing more than 1,000 - mainly ethnic Chinese citizens of Indonesia.

More recently the nation’s new leader has been accused of past human rights abuses.

Likewise, some in our armed forces, though the case involving Ben Roberts-Smith is set to be appealed.

Such histories suggest public abhorrence should follow and perhaps it is, though slowly.  Here’s why:  We have a problem finding enough toughies to don a uniform along with the US, UK and other Western nations that recognise the links of official and domestic violence.

There are no recruitment gatherings outside Jakarta's Foreign Affairs Department where well-educated polyglots seek careers as diplomats using words, not weapons.

Indonesia’s 3,500 official peaceniks (less than one per cent of the warmen) aren't obvious or lauded, so we're left with the image of those keen to enrol in the bang-bang business and be cheered for their work.

Indonesia is currently at war with itself using rotations of about 4,000 of its 400,000  troops to destroy (the smoother term is 'put down') a prolonged low-level conflict involving indigenous West Papuans. They want independence - just as the Javanese did when fighting the returning Dutch colonialists in the late 1940s.

Close to the recruits' Malang barracks is a statue celebrating their predecessors' patriotism, though at the time the Netherlands called them terrorists.  This label is currently tied to the Free Papua Movement.

 Few know what awful things are happening in the closed province and most don't want to hear.  That includes the Australian government and opposition.

 The more gung-ho selected to ‘serve’ in West Papua will salute their good fortune in having real targets and maintaining the ‘unity state’, though families of the 106 ‘security forces’ who’ve died there chasing ‘armed criminal groups’ since 2010 will think differently.  

So will the civilian victims of the conflict - tens of thousands dead according to reports that can’t be verified.

The recruits in Malang, Kapooka and elsewhere will be learning to squeeze triggers to zing bullets through cardboard cutouts of fellow humans. Seeing what results their more imaginative colleagues will secretly hope their fate is not to kill and be burdened with guilt for a lifetime.

Many will escape that nightmare because the Army is so big and under-employed that lower ranks often have to dig  out landslides and help with other natural disasters.

As Indonesia is a pious nation pacifists will pray soldiers stay shouldering hoes across slipping hillsides rather than assault rifles through Papuan mountains. However, appeals to the never-seen but much-praised phantom rarely work. The deity, if she, he or it stays true to form and history,  won't have a care in heaven.

The options:  Use our intelligence to work out how to do the job of turning aliens into allies and accept women as equals, or give up and keep primitive violence as the default fix.

As the establishment media in Australia is keen to bugle every 25 April, this is not the time to talk of the ugliness of military matters, only to recognise the sacrifice of those who will not grow old.

Respect from we who are left behind means keyboarding free opinion in English and not propaganda in German or Japanese. A pause, though not a halt from seeking better ways of handling problems and recognising a root of male violence   

The seeds are nurtured by unverifiable tales of patriotism so worthy of interrogation. As the present political pushaway goes, all can be ‘a topic of conversation’.

But beware;  The lofty right will pronounce suggestions of links between martial training and marital biffo as woke, making us a nation of milksops compared with hard Indonesia.

Gods forbid.

First published in Pearls & Irritations, 9 April 2024:https://johnmenadue.com/the-learned-solution-fix-problems-with-violence/

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NO APPEALS - ACCEPT UGLY REALITY

 THE COURT DECIDES, THE DOOM FOLLOWS?  















       

As predicted in Pearls & Irritations earlier this month, an appeal by the two losing candidates in the 14 February Indonesian presidential election has been trounced by the Constitutional Court in Jakarta.

The challenges to the result came from former Jakarta Governor and one-time University rector Dr Anies Baswedan (25 per cent), and former Central Java Governor Ganjar Pranowo, (16 per cent).

The judges voted five to three to toss out allegations the state had interfered to back the hands-down winner of the three-way contest, disgraced former general Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto. He snared 58 per cent of the vote.

During the hearings, not attended by Jokowi, his ministers said claims were nonsense. Tucker boxes and other welfare aid handed out just ahead of the vote were to help the poor and not designed to sway voters.  

It's not called pork barreling in Indonesia where the meat is taboo for most, but the intent is the same.

The Court's decision means the right-wing Prabowo and his vice-presidential running mate Gibran Rakabuming Raka will have their hands on the wheel of the world's third-largest democracy in October.  By then Prabowo will be 73.

There are no further appeal provisions and so far no street riots, as happened after the 2019 election when Prabowo lost.

Another argument used in the bid to overturn the election result was plagiarism.

Gibran, 36, is the eldest son of the current president Joko 'Jokowi' Widodo.  Indonesian law prevents anyone under 40 from standing for high office, but the Constitutional Court, then headed by his uncle, decided to let the young man be a candidate.   

Anies' and Ganjar's legal team told the court democracy would suffer if Prabowo's win was upheld - and they could be right as the dogs are already snarling for the spoils.

In the Indonesian system, all parties form coalitions to boost their chances, and even those who backed the losers are now saying life will be better with the winner who can share bits of the bones, maybe even some offal for the disgruntled donors

Prabowo heads the Gerindra (Great Indonesia Movement) Party he created in 2008.  It drew six smaller parties before the election while Anies had three and Ganjar four.

Once enthroned in October, Prabowo and Gibran have five years in office. This will leave the losers with little to do but snap and snarl while dashing down the roadside fence as the triumphant swans pass.  

The Westminster system doesn't operate so there's no cohort of shadow ministers supposedly full-bottle on the government's departments and duties, ready to take over temporarily should the elected government collapse.

The vindictive sniping and vile slurs that make up much of Australian parliamentary behaviours are rarely heard.  Indonesian politicians can be as nasty as their Down Under colleagues, but they tend to keep the hate under control in public statements.

Sounding off and being beyond defamation lawyers if speaking on the floor and during a parliamentary sitting isn’t a privilege for Indonesian MPs.  A few are now favouring the courts to correct the slurs they encounter - a trend making NGOs careful of their language.

Opposition in most democracies is a miserable job, but if the minors can creep into the shade of the big tent they’ll likely get rewards for moving, such as a soft ministry where salaries are higher and corruption chances better - such as Religious Affairs.

What happens next?  The victors will give out the goodies and long-serving ministers under Jokowi, like Foreign Affairs Minister Reno Marsudi, 60, will probably be replaced by a more Prabowo-minded candidate.

She or he doesn't have to be an elected member.  Experts and mates from outside politics can be appointed as a minister without having to join a party.

Retno, who was ambassador to the Netherlands before promotion and studied European law pre-career.  She’s been in the job for ten years serving a president more interested in domestic affairs where he has done well building toll roads and new railways along with a universal health scheme.

Like Medicare, its well-being is under threat by doctors used to the private system so seeking more government money for their skills.  Public hospitals are also discovering a need for the latest diagnostic equipment and bigger staff carparks.  Fixing these inherited hassles is going to test the talents of the new administration.

An off-the-cuff promise made by Prabowo while campaigning is also going to cause headaches and a lot of unbudgeted money - $47 billion for free meals at primary schools.

The intent is good; early childhood stunting and wasting caused by malnutrition and non-nutritious meals is a serious issue affecting more than 20 per cent of youngsters.

Bringing that figure down to Australian levels, reportedly among the world’s lowest, is going cost a ransom and probably involve overseas help - shaming the new government that prefers to be known for its more obvious triumphs.

Top of the list is Jokowi’s legacy show, the new capital of Nusantara in Kalimantan on Borneo Island, and a voracious money guzzler.

Much of last year was spent by Jokowi trying - and failing - to get foreign investors to support his idea that the best way to take the weight off sinking, polluted and overcrowded Jakarta, was to start afresh 1,000 km north.

It's widely believed that Gibran was steered by Dad into the VP job to ensure Prabowo keeps his predecessor's so-called green city mega-project with its ostentatious palace arising from felled forests.

First published in Pearls & Irritations 6 April:  THE COURT DECIDES, THE DOOM FOLLOWS              Duncan Graham

As predicted in Pearls & Irritations earlier this month, an appeal by the two losing candidates in the 14 February Indonesian presidential election has been trounced by the Constitutional Court in Jakarta.

The challenges to the result came from former Jakarta Governor and one-time University rector Dr Anies Baswedan (25 per cent), and former Central Java Governor Ganjar Pranowo, (16 per cent).

The judges voted five to three to toss out allegations the state had interfered to back the hands-down winner of the three-way contest, disgraced former general Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto. He snared 58 per cent of the vote.

During the hearings, not attended by Jokowi, his ministers said claims were nonsense. Tucker boxes and other welfare aid handed out just ahead of the vote were to help the poor and not designed to sway voters.  

It's not called pork barreling in Indonesia where the meat is taboo for most, but the intent is the same.

The Court's decision means the right-wing Prabowo and his vice-presidential running mate Gibran Rakabuming Raka will have their hands on the wheel of the world's third-largest democracy in October.  By then Prabowo will be 73.

There are no further appeal provisions and so far no street riots, as happened after the 2019 election when Prabowo lost.

Another argument used in the bid to overturn the election result was plagiarism.

Gibran, 36, is the eldest son of the current president Joko 'Jokowi' Widodo.  Indonesian law prevents anyone under 40 from standing for high office, but the Constitutional Court, then headed by his uncle, decided to let the young man be a candidate.   

Anies' and Ganjar's legal team told the court democracy would suffer if Prabowo's win was upheld - and they could be right as the dogs are already snarling for the spoils.

In the Indonesian system, all parties form coalitions to boost their chances, and even those who backed the losers are now saying life will be better with the winner who can share bits of the bones, maybe even some offal for the disgruntled donors

Prabowo heads the Gerindra (Great Indonesia Movement) Party he created in 2008.  It drew six smaller parties before the election while Anies had three and Ganjar four.

Once enthroned in October, Prabowo and Gibran have five years in office. This will leave the losers with little to do but snap and snarl while dashing down the roadside fence as the triumphant swans pass.  

The Westminster system doesn't operate so there's no cohort of shadow ministers supposedly full-bottle on the government's departments and duties, ready to take over temporarily should the elected government collapse.

The vindictive sniping and vile slurs that make up much of Australian parliamentary behaviours are rarely heard.  Indonesian politicians can be as nasty as their Down Under colleagues, but they tend to keep the hate under control in public statements.

Sounding off and being beyond defamation lawyers if speaking on the floor and during a parliamentary sitting isn’t a privilege for Indonesian MPs.  A few are now favouring the courts to correct the slurs they encounter - a trend making NGOs careful of their language.

Opposition in most democracies is a miserable job, but if the minors can creep into the shade of the big tent they’ll likely get rewards for moving, such as a soft ministry where salaries are higher and corruption chances better - such as Religious Affairs.

What happens next?  The victors will give out the goodies and long-serving ministers under Jokowi, like Foreign Affairs Minister Reno Marsudi, 60, will probably be replaced by a more Prabowo-minded candidate.

She or he doesn't have to be an elected member.  Experts and mates from outside politics can be appointed as a minister without having to join a party.

Retno, who was ambassador to the Netherlands before promotion and studied European law pre-career.  She’s been in the job for ten years serving a president more interested in domestic affairs where he has done well building toll roads and new railways along with a universal health scheme.

Like Medicare, its well-being is under threat by doctors used to the private system so seeking more government money for their skills.  Public hospitals are also discovering a need for the latest diagnostic equipment and bigger staff carparks.  Fixing these inherited hassles is going to test the talents of the new administration.

An off-the-cuff promise made by Prabowo while campaigning is also going to cause headaches and a lot of unbudgeted money - $47 billion for free meals at primary schools.

The intent is good; early childhood stunting and wasting caused by malnutrition and non-nutritious meals is a serious issue affecting more than 20 per cent of youngsters.

Bringing that figure down to Australian levels, reportedly among the world’s lowest, is going cost a ransom and probably involve overseas help - shaming the new government that prefers to be known for its more obvious triumphs.

Top of the list is Jokowi’s legacy show, the new capital of Nusantara in Kalimantan on Borneo Island, and a voracious money guzzler.

Much of last year was spent by Jokowi trying - and failing - to get foreign investors to support his idea that the best way to take the weight off sinking, polluted and overcrowded Jakarta, was to start afresh 1,000 km north.

It's widely believed that Gibran was steered by Dad into the VP job to ensure Prabowo keeps his predecessor's so-called green city mega-project with its ostentatious palace arising from felled forests.

First published in Pearls & Irritations. 26 April 2024: THE COURT DECIDES, THE DOOM FOLLOWS              Duncan Graham

As predicted in Pearls & Irritations earlier this month, an appeal by the two losing candidates in the 14 February Indonesian presidential election has been trounced by the Constitutional Court in Jakarta.

The challenges to the result came from former Jakarta Governor and one-time University rector Dr Anies Baswedan (25 per cent), and former Central Java Governor Ganjar Pranowo, (16 per cent).

The judges voted five to three to toss out allegations the state had interfered to back the hands-down winner of the three-way contest, disgraced former general Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto. He snared 58 per cent of the vote.

During the hearings, not attended by Jokowi, his ministers said claims were nonsense. Tucker boxes and other welfare aid handed out just ahead of the vote were to help the poor and not designed to sway voters.  

It's not called pork barreling in Indonesia where the meat is taboo for most, but the intent is the same.

The Court's decision means the right-wing Prabowo and his vice-presidential running mate Gibran Rakabuming Raka will have their hands on the wheel of the world's third-largest democracy in October.  By then Prabowo will be 73.

There are no further appeal provisions and so far no street riots, as happened after the 2019 election when Prabowo lost.

Another argument used in the bid to overturn the election result was plagiarism.

Gibran, 36, is the eldest son of the current president Joko 'Jokowi' Widodo.  Indonesian law prevents anyone under 40 from standing for high office, but the Constitutional Court, then headed by his uncle, decided to let the young man be a candidate.   

Anies' and Ganjar's legal team told the court democracy would suffer if Prabowo's win was upheld - and they could be right as the dogs are already snarling for the spoils.

In the Indonesian system, all parties form coalitions to boost their chances, and even those who backed the losers are now saying life will be better with the winner who can share bits of the bones, maybe even some offal for the disgruntled donors

Prabowo heads the Gerindra (Great Indonesia Movement) Party he created in 2008.  It drew six smaller parties before the election while Anies had three and Ganjar four.

Once enthroned in October, Prabowo and Gibran have five years in office. This will leave the losers with little to do but snap and snarl while dashing down the roadside fence as the triumphant swans pass.  

The Westminster system doesn't operate so there's no cohort of shadow ministers supposedly full-bottle on the government's departments and duties, ready to take over temporarily should the elected government collapse.

The vindictive sniping and vile slurs that make up much of Australian parliamentary behaviours are rarely heard.  Indonesian politicians can be as nasty as their Down Under colleagues, but they tend to keep the hate under control in public statements.

Sounding off and being beyond defamation lawyers if speaking on the floor and during a parliamentary sitting isn’t a privilege for Indonesian MPs.  A few are now favouring the courts to correct the slurs they encounter - a trend making NGOs careful of their language.

Opposition in most democracies is a miserable job, but if the minors can creep into the shade of the big tent they’ll likely get rewards for moving, such as a soft ministry where salaries are higher and corruption chances better - such as Religious Affairs.

What happens next?  The victors will give out the goodies and long-serving ministers under Jokowi, like Foreign Affairs Minister Reno Marsudi, 60, will probably be replaced by a more Prabowo-minded candidate.

She or he doesn't have to be an elected member.  Experts and mates from outside politics can be appointed as a minister without having to join a party.

Retno, who was ambassador to the Netherlands before promotion and studied European law pre-career.  She’s been in the job for ten years serving a president more interested in domestic affairs where he has done well building toll roads and new railways along with a universal health scheme.

Like Medicare, its well-being is under threat by doctors used to the private system so seeking more government money for their skills.  Public hospitals are also discovering a need for the latest diagnostic equipment and bigger staff carparks.  Fixing these inherited hassles is going to test the talents of the new administration.

An off-the-cuff promise made by Prabowo while campaigning is also going to cause headaches and a lot of unbudgeted money - $47 billion for free meals at primary schools.

The intent is good; early childhood stunting and wasting caused by malnutrition and non-nutritious meals is a serious issue affecting more than 20 per cent of youngsters.

Bringing that figure down to Australian levels, reportedly among the world’s lowest, is going to cost a ransom and probably involve overseas help - shaming the new government that prefers to be known for its more obvious triumphs.

Top of the list is Jokowi’s legacy show, the new capital of Nusantara in Kalimantan on Borneo Island, and a voracious money guzzler.

Much of last year was spent by Jokowi trying - and failing - to get foreign investors to support his idea that the best way to take the weight off sinking, polluted and overcrowded Jakarta, was to start afresh 1,000 km north.

It's widely believed that Gibran was steered by Dad into the VP job to ensure Prabowo keeps his predecessor's so-called green city mega-project with its ostentatious palace arising from felled forests.

First published in Pearls & Irritations, 26 April 2024: https://johnmenadue.com/the-court-decides-doom-to-follow/

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Saturday, April 20, 2024

WINNING THE NICKEL ROMANCE - OR IS IT A WAR?

 WRITE-UP TO WRITE DOWN: NICKEL DIVES DEEP


21 workers died in an accident at a Chinese nickel smelter on Sulawesi island.  Most were Indonesians.

Indonesia’s incoming leader, the mercurial and disgraced former army general Prabowo Subianto has  been telling Chinese President Xi Jinping and  Premier Li Qiang on an official visit this month to the PRC their good news: Beijing’s policies and investments in Indonesia are doing well and screwing up Australian mining trade.

Just one problem:  Prabowo is still Defence Minister and has no other portfolio duties.  That’s not an issue for wolf warriors; they’re not waiting for the niceties of Prabowo’s official enthronement in six-months.

 Beijing want to get in Jakarta’s good books way ahead of Washington - and they’re stacking the shelves with invites and visits.

Foreign Affairs Minister Wang Yi has been in Indonesia this week pushing the line: “China is Indonesia’s close partner and has had close bilateral relations, especially in the defense sector, for a long time.” That last bit should be troubling Western watchers.

Does anyone in Canberra know what's happening in Indonesia? This month last year government seers were offering a five-year outlook, bragging that “revenue from Australia's exports of critical minerals like lithium and nickel will nearly equal the current second-biggest export earner coal by 2028.”

Lulled by sirens, critical faculties muted and concerns soothed, the Lucky Country relaxed.  The comfort terms were  E-power future, clean and green.  Now the word is red.  For ink.

Workers and investors got the brutal news in February: BHP's Nickel West, a giant grouping of open-cut and underground diggings plus concentrators, smelters and refineries around Kalgoorlie couldn't compete.  It's writing down assets of  $5.4 billion and is likely to scrap more than 2,000 jobs.

Padlocks snapped shut on the goldfield gates in WA and mines across the country as our friendly neighbour flooded the market to destroy competition, cutting prices by 40 per cent.

The speed of change has caught Australians with mouths as agape as the closed pits.  Yet all was foreseeable.  During his second term (which started in 2019) President Joko  ‘Jokowi’ Widodo seized the market by the throat - then squeezed.

Alerts given the cold shoulder

For decades there'd been warnings that the world's leading nickel producer was selling itself short, relying on returns from digging and exporting when the real money came with processing.  The same message has been long told to miners in Australia and long ignored.

But the Javanese leader listened and soon found Beijing business bankers and foreign friends   holding similar ideas.  Since then more than $21 billion has been spent on the industry in the ore-rich provinces of Central Sulawesi and North Maluku.

By mid-last year 43 smelters were running, 28 were being built and 24 planned. Altogether more than 70,000 workers.  Specialists have come from hina along with the loans and grants.

Coal-fired power plants are used to get the temperature to the 1,450-degree ore melting point negating the claim that the E-industry is in the renewables club.

As part of the Chinese deal, Jokowi also banned exports of unprocessed ore.   The European Union had relied on Indonesian supplies so protested to the World Trade Organisation, an authority of splendid ineffectiveness.

The complaint was upheld, Indonesia appealed but kept doing what it - or China -wanted.  Australian miners floated the notion that their product deserved a premium price because it was clean and the others dirty; the idea rapidly foundered on the dollar rock.

The smelters smoked and polluted; rivers turned red with runoff.  But the fiery streams of pure metal started cooling into ingots forklifted onto pallets to fill factories and warehouses.

What’s on the pay slip?

Prices crashed. Australia is the world’s fifth largest nickel producer and employer of more than 3,000. To see why the glut gutted the industry click on this link.  No degree in economics is required, not even a calculator. Just the basic ability to reason.

It’s an official list of this year’s minimal pay across Indonesia’s 38 provinces. Readily available it shows wage rates at least 17 times lower than those in Australia.

Indonesian workers get paid by the month. The rate in East Java, an industrialised zone particularly around the north-coast port and capital Surabaya is Rp 2,165,244. The exchange rate currently makes this sum a whisker over $207.

The Australian National Minimum Wage is $3,531 a month - that's 17 times more than  Indonesia pays. It will be reviewed on 1 July and will only stay put or go up.

These are basics so wages are higher in both countries where skills are needed. But whatever the job Australia stays far ahead.  Statiticians quote Indonesian HR managers averaging Rp 19 million ($1,817)  a month which is less than a single Australian’s pension.

Software engineers get Rp 12 million ($1,147) while their colleagues Down Under pick up seven times that sum; the gap between salaries is too great to be flicked aside as a statistical blip.

Apologists for the discrepancy finger-wag that living costs in Australia are so high incomes must match.  The COL in Jakarta is also in the clouds if they could be seen. Coughing in the smog and traffic choked metropolis is a misery, making Melbourne rush-hour congestion feel like Shangri-La.

Doing it our way

Wages aren't alone in putting Australia out of business and Indonesia in. The industry next door runs with minimal government interference.  Laws on superannuation, licensing, insurance and environmental controls  add greatly to costs in Australia.  Likewise health and safety.

In December an industrial accident at a Sulawesi smelter killed 21 workers. The plant keeps operating.  There may be an inquiry at some time.  Maybe.

Can we compete?  Last year the government launched a $15 billion National Reconstruction Fund  to “provide finance in the form of debt, equity and guarantees to support Australian projects that drive high-value industry.”

It’s not supposed to be toss-away money. The NRF’s mandate is to “target a rate of return of between two and three per cent above the five-year Australian Government bond rate over the medium to long term.”

This month Albanese spruiked upcoming laws to help factories produce clean goods like E-car batteries; it follows a similar policy in the US with its Inflation Reduction Act.  Made in Australia is a comforting slogan for the nostalgics.

For 70 years we built our own combustion-engined cars (ironically exporting Holdens to Indonesia) but that industry crashed in 2017 when General Motors Holden, Ford and Toyota collided head-on with cheaper imports.

Now many popular models are assembled in Thailand where labour costs are also lower (though slightly higher than in Indonesia) and the vehicles shipped complete.

Jokowi has had similar ideas to Albanese - or maybe the other way around. His boost for the Indonesian economy was called the  2025–45 National Long-Term Development Plan.  This includes downstream processing.

Before we were king-hit by the nickel surfeit  Jokowi was talking about cooperation and selling us E-cars - nickel is a major battery component. There's a free-trade policy in place meaning exports could be tariff-free.

Sleepers awake!

When Australian mines started to close lobbyists dashed into action with the Association of Mining and Exploration Companies hustling Canberra for a ten per cent production tax credit.

WA Premier Roger Cook (his state is the biggest producer), is reported to be considering royalty relief.  The national government is set to put nickel on a “critical minerals” list.

This means  companies will have "access to financing under Australia's $4 billion Critical Minerals Facility which offers low-interest loans, and related grant programmes."

Last year BHP’s “attributal profit” from all operations was almost $20 billion, a 58 per cent drop against 2022.   The share price dipped to $42 when the mine closures were announced but is now back to above $45.

If all goes well for investors the Australian public will end up breaking the corporate code of 'markets rule' by keeping unprofitable business functioning and jobs going.  That's the cost of being 'Made in Australia'.

The moral of this tale?  Boards and lenders should treat government predictions as scribble pads and do their own deep-down,  on-ground research. Also our Embassy in Jakarta might want to tell its Canberra masters about the Chinese diplomats they keep spotting around town.

(All dollars in this story are Australian.)

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 First published in Michael West Media, 20 April 2024:  https://michaelwest.com.au/future-made-in-australia-china-indonesia-are-listening/

Tuesday, April 16, 2024

NOW, BACK TO NORMAL

 SO THERE, ALLAH, WE PASSED YOUR TEST                         

There are five major and hundreds of minor religions in the world.  But don’t worry - yours is the right one.  Anon




After Christianity the second biggest globally is Islam.  Indonesia, the nation next door, has a quarter of a billion followers, more than any other international state and  setting Australia’s xenophobic politicians a-trembling in their emptying  pews.

The Republic is supposed to be constitutionally secular but this isn’t the right time for reminders. For last week the majority celebrated the ending of the Ramadan fasting month with huge street prayers drawing tens of thousands.

The crowd-controllers' baggy military-style gear was often far too large for their wiry-frames built from a lifetime of toil. The outfits looked as though they’d come direct from a Gilbert and Sullivan operetta - a camouflage for all seasons and terrains, tropic jungle to arid desert, though the red berets stood out like stuck traffic lights.  

Particularly in this pre-dawn environment, the black bitumen of a closed four-lane highway  where the officials - farmers normally used to ushering ducks quacking for stubble snails - were supposed to be exercising their authority.

The flashlight wavers in the gloom were too old or poorly briefed, unsure whether they were supposed to be redirecting traffic or stopping it. There were no police present.

In Australia, the chaos would have led to calls for cops and shouts of unseemly language, but this was East Java where confusion is a cultural staple, probably invented in the province.  

Elsewhere in the world uniforms encourage obedience or hostility.  Here they're an excuse for ignoring duties for an exchange of smokes, supposedly uninhaled for the past month.  Tell that to the addicted kyai (leaders).

The presence of a kaffir  ('unbeliever' or 'infidel') among the stadium-sized crowds seeming distressed no one. The faithful seemed to be in a good mood;  the men in batik sarongs, the heavily made-up women in brightly coloured blouses and long dresses. As a fashion parade, this was an event for sunshades at six am.

Now and again one in total black, just her eyes showing. Here and there a bare-headed rebel asserting her independence yet causing no strife, for this is  not uptight Malaysia where socks with the word ‘Allah’ presage the onset of Armageddon.

Kids in their hundreds prove the government's birth control programme isn't working as well as the health workers claim.

The spirit of unity was tangible:  We’ve passed the hunger test - we are one. No hint of protest or politics.  A few median-strip trees had Free Palestine posters often in English but these were home-made, A4 photocopies.

The targets have long passed; Indonesia hasn’t recognised Israel since 1948 and despite pressure and inducements from the US has shown no inclination to change, even  before the Gaza War. The last synagogue in the provincial capital Surabaya was demolished this century.  Dutch-era graves in an old Jewish cemetery were  brutally trashed during the Japanese occupation 1942 - 45

The bigger statements in the street of prayer were made by the baccy companies, their giant ads claiming fitness and financial success are all yours at the cost of  three Oz bucks for a pack of  20.

The religious would have attributed the huge turnout to piety, while the KTP (ID card) Muslims (wedding-n-wake in Protestant terminology) were motivated more by carnal desires, knowing the end of the one-month fasting ordeal leads to the Idul Fitri celebrations,  nosh-ups of spectacular proportions.

The seating arrangements were below basic, worshippers squatting cross-legged on the tarps.  The ancient and disabled used the kerbstones.

This was a hard place for a Westerner with an ageing carcass;  your correspondent encountered no hostility but preferred to stay on the sidelines seeking but never finding a spot more comfortable.

The men were gathered at the front - the women far behind.  It was explained this ensured the minds of randy blokes were centred on the preacher and not the glorious ocean of big bottoms revealed when the kneeling ladies touched the road with their foreheads while facing Mecca.

Like Christianity, Islam in Indonesia is split. The laid-back Nahdlatul Ulama (revival of the scholars) is at home here in East Java, the province where the organisation was founded in 1926 in nearby Jombang.

In the cemetery there’s a simple grave holding the remains of an NU leader, the delightful eccentric Abdurrahman Wahid (1940 - 2009).  Also known as Gus Dur, Indonesia's fourth president was a preacher of tolerance and a real friend of Australia.  His daughter Yenny Wahid worked as a press journalist with what is now Nine Entertainment

NU claims about 100 million members, largely because it’s more accepting of traditional pre-Islamic practices than the smaller Muhammadiyah (followers of the prophet Muhammad) with 60 million.  These figures are as suspect as some of the stories explaining beliefs.

Muhammadiyah takes a more literal approach to religion and attracts the intelligentsia, running hospitals and more than 100 universities across the Republic.  Talking to adherents requires the use of  scientific logic, while NU devotees call on spirits, black magic and other challenges to bolster their reasoning.

This year NU recognised Idul Fitri on 10 April by checking sightings of the new moon. Muhammadiyah reckoned it came a day later so celebrated - though more soberly - a day later.  The committed didn't gather in the streets; they favour fields.  Such spaces are rare, and getting harder to find as the population blooms.

Although the night sky of Java is heavily shrouded by the rainy season clouds, the religious scholars can see clearly than lay folk.  Either that or they take a stab at lunar spottings to pronounce the day has come, and with it the joys of arrival at  the feast.

May there be many more.

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First published on 16 April 2024 in Pearls & Irritationshttps://johnmenadue.com/ok-allah-we-passed-your-test/