NOT ALL EYES ON THE US

 

 

               While the US flounders, China plants

Of all the corroded clichés used in reporting the US election, the most rusty claimed ‘the whole world was watching.’

It wasn’t in the Indonesian streets where the concerns were more parochial:  Rooves springing wet-season leaks, the lack of imported fruit (there are allegedly some rotten deals involving licences and preferred traders starving suppliers), and problems with the government’s health insurance policy under assault by the industry.

But nor was Trump v Biden on the agenda at the top end of town, even on poll eve. While the Anglosphere focussed on the US chaos which purports to be democracy in action, China was busy squirreling away, building   its influence in Southeast Asia.

On 2 November the Foreign Policy Community of Indonesia ran a two-hour Virtual Jakarta Forum on ASEAN-China Relations 2020.  The plan was to ‘map a way forward for ASEAN-China economic cooperation towards a sustainable, innovative, and resilient growth in the region.’ 

That’s normally the job of sequestered diplomats, not an NGO driving policy, but the FPCI is becoming Indonesia’s de-facto Kemlu - the Ministry of Foreign Affairs – led by the pedestrian Retno Marsudi, a former ambassador to the Netherlands.

Dr Dino (left) and FM Retno (pic Erlinawati Graham).  

 

There were a couple of offhand comments about the US at the forum, but otherwise the focus was on a near future where China is deeply involved in the region’s trade, aid, finance – and almost every other facet of society.  This included paying with rupiah and renminbi rather than US dollars.

On 14 November the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership is expected to be signed. This is a proposed free trade agreement between ASEAN’s ten members with five of their FTA partners—Australia, China, Japan, New Zealand, and South Korea.

The world’s largest democracy was originally involved but pulled out last November over fears the ‘Made in India’ programme would be neutered by the deal, and its generic medicine manufactures hit by copyright rules. Despite this absence, the remaining 15 countries carry 30 per cent of the world's population and close to 30 per cent of its GDP.

It was clear from comments at the FPCI forum that China sees the RCEP as a major opportunity to expand and bed-down its interests in Southeast Asia, while other speakers seemed resigned.  The pragmatists recognise Indonesia’s trade and aid ties with Beijing are pushing the world’s third-largest democracy away from Washington.  According to Indonesia’s Finance Ministry, the nation’s debt to China is AUD 25.2 billion.

Although negotiations have dragged on for eight years the RCEP has rarely featured in the Australian mainstream media. The Asian press has been reporting ‘some key players...especially Japan and Australia (have) nagging concerns about a pact in which China's presence looms ever larger.’

Australian Treasurer Josh Frydenberg has been quoted as saying worsening diplomatic ties between China and Australia would not get in the way of the progress of the RCEP.

Among the 200 plus participants and onlookers at the FPCI forum were diplomats and scholars from Thailand, the Philippines and Vietnam.  Australia was not represented. 

Deng Xijun, China’s Ambassador to ASEAN effused about the shift from ‘pandemic control to economic recovery’, the ‘stability of the region’ and the roles his country would take if and when Covid-19 retreats.

These included the manufacture and distribution of a Chinese vaccine should one become available, the extension of the Belt and Road programme of road, rail and port expansion, and improvements in the supply chain, including more direct flights from Chinese cities to the archipelago.

‘We share the Asian values of solidarity and collaboration,’ he said.  Decoded this means the Chinese have the language, deep contacts and subtle skills in handling obstructive bureaucrats that Westerners lack or can’t access.

China is Indonesia’s top trading partner, taking raw materials, mainly coal.  Former Indonesian trade minister Gita Wirjawan, who was educated at Harvard, told the forum that the US had been ‘disingenuous and disrespectful’ in its approach to global warming concerns.

These exports may suffer if China goes ahead with its emissions-reduction programme, leaving Indonesia with limited markets for its low-grade coal.  About 80 per cent of production is exported.
 
As an NGO the FPCI is rapidly becoming the leading initiator of accessible and informed comment on international affairs.  It’s already eclipsing the Centre for Strategic and International Studies which claims to be Indonesia’s leading think tank on social, international, political and economical issues.

The CSIS was founded in 1971 by a group of mainly Catholic fervent anti-Communist Chinese businessmen and generals and advised the despotic second president Soeharto on foreign affairs until the 1980s.  It has since tried to reshape itself as mildly liberal and inclusive, though still tainted by its partisan past.

So far the FPCI does not appear to be in any party’s pockets, though its founder, former Ambassador to the US Dr Dino Patti Djalal, made a lukewarm bid for the presidency as an independent in 2014.  He was educated at the left-leaning London School of Economics and was spokesman for the nation’s sixth president (2004-2014), former General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, leader of Partai Demokrat.

The FPCI’s 14 ‘partners’ includes the embassies of Australia, Denmark, the EU, Netherlands and Japan and the Australian Strategic Policy Institute.

Foreign Affairs has long been seen as an esoteric discipline accessible only to high-born Francophones.  (Djalal’s dad Hasjim Djalal is a former Indonesian Ambassador to Germany, Canada and the UN.)  The FPCI is making it more democratic, and before the pandemic drew hundreds of young people to its big free events.

It says its ‘mission is to promote and shape positive Indonesian internationalism throughout the nation and to the world.

‘We want to bring foreign policy to the grassroots, and to provide a dynamic meeting point where everyone interact as equals. We aim to be an independent, credible voice for Indonesia’s foreign policy.’  It’s certainly seen by Beijing as the place to plant ideas knowing they’ll get propagated.  .

 First published in Pearls and Irritations 6 November 2020:  https://johnmenadue.com/while-the-us-flounders-china-plants/

WANANDI'S WORLD

Having a say on everything 

Despair needs no tour guide in Indonesia.

Chaotic traffic, trash-clogged drains, poverty, corruption ... if the list had an official STOP sign it would be dug up and sold.

Enough negativity. This review celebrates a positive. Offsetting the moans is freedom to comment, a right that veteran activist Jusuf Wanandi has exercised well during his long adventurous career and now collected in Testimony of Changes. 

Hazards remain, like blasphemy charges ignited by militants, and defamation writs fired by the wealthy to mask their chicanery. Three of the four pillars of democracy – the judiciary, the executive and the law, badly need repair.

However the fourth column – the media – is, in this century, upright by the standards of a region where armies and autocrats crush those venturing alternative ideas.

Singapore’s Straits Times is a most handsome daily, clean and well laid out like the city. It splashes international news with a sprinkling of minor local happenings. Expect nothing critical of the government.

Now consider Wanandi. The only country in the region where this intellectual gadfly is free to let his mind roam publicly, is the one where he was born in 1937, cursed to live in interesting times, blessed to do so with a muscular mind..

The sub-title Consolidating Indonesian Democracy and Forging Regional Cooperation is hardly an invitation for anyone beyond academic historians.

Which is sad because there’s much here to help latecomers understand how the world’s third largest democracy arrived at this position.

Wanandi has an easy style but the freewheeling employed in his autobiography Shades of Grey is largely absent.

Face-to-face he’s a splendid retailer of gossip and a vault of secrets. Some he unlocks. He’s selective, careful, knowing values shift; Policies which once seemed right, like the extrajudicial persecution of real or imagined Communists in 1965 - 66, are now considered criminal.

His ebullience tends to deflect criticism of his more questionable decisions, like support for taking over East Timor.

In print he’s more restrained – though not with former Australian PM John Howard: ‘A gentleman from a small town in 19th century England who was unaware and not interested in
what was happening in East Asia.’ In fact Howard was born (1939) and raised in Sydney. Wanandi later modified his judgment.

His favorite all-bundling term ‘East Asia’ befuddles; Westerners define it as Korea and Japan, with all below as Southeast Asia.

The book is organized in seven sections each holding 15 to 30 op-eds from The Jakarta Post. They’re in chronological sequence, starting in 1984 when this newspaper began, showing it was into serious journalism with concerns about Kampuchea – now Cambodia.

Lots to savor – knowing where we’ve been and what some were thinking can help us see ahead.
But, alas, alack; how to access that vision without an index?

An incomprehensible omission because Testimony of Changes isn’t a set-course dinner but a spread of snacks. How does the author assess former US Presidents Bush and Obama? What are his hopes for ASEAN, which he strongly supports, and VP Jusuf Kalla’s thoughts on democracy?

To find the answers stock-up with limitless patience and bookmarks.

Applauders include former Australian Labor Party Foreign Minister Gareth Evans. He praises Wanandi’s ‘informed, balanced and constructive voice.’

Yes, but; Wanandi is not a colorless bob-each-way observer. The former University of Indonesia law lecturer was a strident right-wing activist during the 1965 coup.

He backed, then abandoned Soekarno, then did the same with his successor. . Wanandi advised Soeharto but fell out when the second president ‘ignored the economy and started to exhibit megalomaniacal tendencies.’ These included censoring the press.

Wanandi’s consistent position has been support for the State ideology Pancasila. He’s had little formal power though much influence, carrying a gold pass into presidential suites and closed-door discussions. Entre came through his anti-Red convictions when these were most in vogue, and his worldwide Catholic contacts.

Though a fourth-generation Sumatran, his Chinese ethnicity has at times been a handicap, his patriotism and motives distrusted by some pribumi (indigenous Indonesians). Conversely membership of a frequently persecuted minority has made him canny and savvy.

Apart from this newspaper his principal pulpit is the Centre for Strategic and International Studies which he set up with help from ethnic Chinese businessmen and his brother Sofjan in 1971.

Labeled in this book as the region’s ‘leading think tank’, it was earlier involved in political lobbying in the US, trying to sell the New Order government’s credentials to skeptical scholars, like the late Benedict Anderson.

Wanandi doesn’t shy from much of his controversial history, so first reading Shades of Grey will help understand where he’s coming from when assessing Testimony of Changes. 

All his writing is informed, seldom bland, occasionally parochial. Who remembers the disputed appointment of a national police chief after President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo’s 2014 election?

Other columns show the author’s prescience. In 1991, when Donald Trump was more concerned with getting out of a financially troubled casino, Wanandi was worrying about the US quitting Asia, leaving a vacuum to be filled by China.

In a piece on Mahathir Mohamad written before the Malaysian leader’s political resurrection, Wanandi comments on autocrats obsessed with ‘very strong views about where the state and society should go ... so obsessed about achieving them, such that they had no scruples about their ways and methods towards the end.’

His book ends with profiles – mostly obituaries - of ‘friends and actors of change.’ Wanandi spent his early years siding with the heavy-hitters, but is now drawn to ‘patriots and peacemakers, humanists and teachers’.

In debates about doers and dreamers, about ends justifying means, moral stands in public affairs get to perform strange acrobatics. Testimony of Changes helps freeze some positions where they can be better understood in the context of times past.

All up, a most useful collecion of a passionate thinker’s opinions, mainly on matters which matter.
Testimony of Changes, by Jusuf Wanandi The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

First published in The Jakarta Post 17 December2018:  https://www.thejakartapost.com/life/2018/12/17/testimony-of-changes-having-a-say-on-everything.html