Welcome to Transit Indonesia Year
The NIMBY
syndrome is well known in Australian politics.
‘Not In My Back Yard’ refers to electors’ demands for governments to
relocate prisons, landfills, airports and other undesirable but essential
services in someone else’s suburb.
The same
thinking is alive in the toxic asylum-seeker debate Down Under.
So far this
year more than 6,000 asylum seekers have arrived, mainly from the Middle East
claiming sanctuary from war and persecution.
They’ve been using Indonesian fishers as ferrymen to Christmas Island,
an Australian territory.
About 4,000
boat people are in mandatory detention, but even this system – like the
hazardous sea voyage that’s taken hundreds of lives – doesn’t deter.
Outgoing
Human Rights Commissioner Catherine Branson commented: "As far as I'm aware, our system
is the strictest in the Western world and there's no evidence that it works.”
Here in
Indonesia an estimated 10,000 are waiting for third nation settlement, some
supported by the UN High Commission for Refugees, others in hiding. Overcrowded Indonesia doesn’t want them and
they don’t want to be in Indonesia, fearing police brutality, local hostility
and long delays.
There’s
been a surge of boats leading to the fasting month of Ramadhan – seven last
week. (w/ending 21 July) There’s also been a spate of arrests of asylum seekers
and officials illegally providing embarkation assistance along Java’s south
coast. It seems the government is now responding to Australian pleas for
Indonesia to better police exit points.
What about
entry ports? How the foreigners get through Soekarno-Hatta in such numbers with
suspect documents is a great mystery.
Australians visiting the Archipelago must have visas and usually can’t
board planes without return tickets.
The Labor
government wants some refugees who get to Christmas Island, less than 400
kilometers south of Jakarta, sent to camps in Malaysia for processing.
The Liberal
opposition wants them shipped to the Micronesian island of Nauru because Kuala
Lumpur, like Jakarta, hasn’t signed the UN Refugee Convention.
An earlier
attempt to involve Timor Leste failed.
Cynics might assume most favor an ABA solution – Anywhere But
Australia.
The Greens,
who hold the balance of power, are demanding processing on Australian soil and
the refugee quota to be lifted from 13,750 to 25,000.
Others urge
Australia to face global realities. Australia’s Refugee Council, an NGO, says
the country recognized only 0.56 per cent of the world’s asylum seekers.
The latest
solution-de-jour is for Australia to pay for processing in Indonesia. This plan comes from refugee advocates’
proposals to a three-man expert committee set up by the government to try and
break the political logjam. Almost 70
submissions have been lodged.
The
committee’s report is expected next month (Aug), but its findings won’t bind
the political parties. Their responses
show they’ve already dug deep defensive trenches to repel fresh thinking.
A Labor
Party splinter group called Labor for Refugees wants more diplomats sent to
Jakarta and the Embassy to handle asylum claims.
The
Perth-based NGO Indonesia Institute suggested a “major detention processing
center” be built in Kupang, creating jobs and injecting life into East Nusa
Tenggara’s moribund economy.
This isn’t
totally left-field thinking. After the
Vietnam War thousands of anti-communists fled south on little boats. Many were temporarily housed on Pulau
Galang, an Indonesian island close to Singapore.
Times
change. The Indonesian government can no longer throttle public comment or
crush angry responses – as shown in mob attacks on the Ahmadiyah sect and
Shiite Muslims. This group is well
represented among asylum seekers, particularly Hazaras from Pakistan and
Central Afghanistan.
Could these
Australian relocation ideas work? The
more important question is: Would Indonesia agree? The plans have been
conceived in isolation without input from the Indonesian people. Even if the government agreed, at what
political cost?
In May
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was bruised when he approved a five-year cut
to Australian drug smuggler Schapelle Corby’s 20-year sentence.
Although a
legal attack by the anti-drug agency Granat failed, it showed how democracy has
advanced when a president’s actions can be so publicly challenged – impossible
under Soeharto.
The signal
is clear: Ministers may make deals with
their foreign mates in exclusive hotels
– but if the majority in the gritty streets outside are hostile the
pledges are meaningless.
Hungry and
homeless citizens living on less than US $2 (Rp 19,000) a day, peering through
wire fences at Sri Lankans and Iraqis being safely housed, well fed and
enjoying free health care courtesy of Australian taxpayers might not see the
sense and justice in this transit lounge arrangement.
Processing
in Jakarta? Imagine Jl Rasuna Said blocked by thousands of foreigners
clamouring to get into the Australian Embassy fortress to lodge asylum
claims. The building is already too
small to handle current business and expansion is planned,
Some might
be inclined to show their displeasure at the ballot box in 2014; hotheads may
not be prepared to wait that long.
Johnny
Hutauruk, deputy head of the Human Trafficking, Refugees and Asylum Seekers
unit told the Sydney Morning Herald: ''On the one hand we have to guard
our sovereignty - we don't want too many of these people here - but we also
must respect their human rights,
''There
are some refugees in Puncak (West Java) and you see cultural conflicts between
refugees and locals … they bring with them their habits and their culture,
which is perhaps not in tune with local culture and traditions.''
Being
Indonesian, the polite Mr Hutauruk is less blunt than his southern neighbors –
but he’s saying the same thing: NIMBY.
(First published in The Jakarta Post 2 August 2012)
See also Asia Times On Line: http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/NH03Ae01.html
See also Asia Times On Line: http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/NH03Ae01.html
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