NEED A COVID TEST? WALK RIGHT IN

Here's how to solve the Covid testing site queues:  Make the cost prohibitive.

The picture of this site in central Malang (East Java) was taken around noon on 30 December '21.

Staff thought they might get 20 customers by nightfall. 

It would take a local tradie three to four days' work to muster the PCR Rp  495,000 fee - about AUD $50.

On this basis the cost in Oz would be close to $1,000.  If that was being charged at test stations in the Eastern States the queues would probably dissolve.

Another point:  Indonesian Covid stats are clearly flawed.  No tests, no stats.
 

MEDIA INHALES, CREDIBILITY SICKENS

 

Principles go up in smoke

 

 

 

The Jakarta Post used to be the showcase of liberal Indonesia.  At its peak early this century, the award-winning English language daily was a must-read for diplomats, students, business people and decision-makers, a straight-shooter conscious of its responsibilities.  No longer. 

Apart from being crippled by the pandemic economic crisis that’s ripped traditional media, and damaged by readers turning to sources online instead of turning pages, the JP has another wound – this time self-inflicted.

Once a strong campaigner against pernicious influences damaging society, the paper is undermining public health measures by taking money from the tobacco lobby. The latest this month is an ‘advertorial’ on the Op-Ed page ostensibly about a tree-planting programme.

Editor-in-chief Taufiq Rahman stressed the ‘advertorial’ was not from the Djarum cigarette company but the Djarum Foundation which ‘has had a long history placing ads on the Post pages … mostly promoting their sustainability campaign and at times their badminton success. ‘

The brand is owned by Indonesia’s two richest men, Robert and Michael Hartono who started the Foundation in 1986. The president-director is Robert’s son Victor. Forbes magazine estimates the brothers’ net worth at US $42 billion.

Djarum (gramophone needle) makes – among other smokes – the wildly popular onomatopoetically tagged kretek, a mix of clove oil and buds with tobacco which crackle when smoked.

Indonesia is the only WHO member state in Southeast Asia that hasn’t ratified the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, nor banned direct promotion.  

From its launch in 1983 The Jakarta Post’s management took a costly stand against tobacco ads, allowing staff and contributors to write scathing copy on the dangers of smoking and the industry’s sneaky tactics to work around gullible gate-keepers.   The companies’ sophistry includes using ‘foundations’.

 

Laws force advertisers to add health alerts though not as the main message. The warnings are usually absent on banners used by ’foundations’ to sponsor concerts, sporting shows and education scholarships mainly pitched to the young. Brand names and logos are flaunted at events.

 

Though billed as non-profit NGOs the ‘foundations’ are Trojan Horses helping manufacturers seduce Gen Z victims to replace the old wheezers dying horribly.  

 

 If the do-gooders were genuine altruists they’d christen their offspring with a neutral name adding several degrees of separation from the evildoer parents.  Or give their guilt money anonymously to a church (the Hartonos are Christian) to build hospitals. But this is not about doing good.

 

Academic Dr Nathalia Tjandra  reckons Indonesia has become a ‘Disneyland for Big Tobacco’ as lax controls are helping the next generation get hooked:  ‘Youngsters are still exposed through billboards, roadside stalls, music concerts, sporting events and the internet.’

 

 An estimated 67 per cent of adult Indonesian men light-up, though only three per cent of women; they fear being labelled prostitutes. 

 

Other academics state ‘a fifth of Indonesians between 13 and 15 years old smoke, the highest rate in the region.’ Dr Nicholas Hopkinson of the National Heart and Lung Institute at Imperial College London wants cigarettes to be seen ‘as an unethical product, not just as one that is harmful to individual consumers.’

Two Australian-based researchers argue that ‘the (Indonesian) government needs to stop the tobacco industry from wooing young people to avoid the country’s future burden from chronic smoking-induced disease.’

The Jakarta Post taking thirty pieces of silver gives traffickers of an addictive drug and carcinogenic an image boost through brand name placement (seven times) in what used to be a prestigious publication.

 

The ‘advertorial’ includes a graphic that would make a fine educational resource.  No mention of tobacco or smoking in the 840-word puff.  This is dressed as a worthy read by including emission reduction targets and comments from experts. In brief, greenwashing.

 

In a gross piece of unconscious irony, it alerts readers to ‘one of the major threats faced by humanity’.  That’s a reference to climate change, not the dangerous neurotoxin Djarum and others sell and which kills an estimated 280,000 Indonesians every year –four times the official Covid death toll in the two years to date.  

 

Also missing is the fact that smoking adds to global warming. According to a WHO-backed study, annual tobacco production internationally ‘contributes almost 84 million tonnes of carbon dioxide-equivalent emissions to climate change.’

Although the Foundation’s tree-planting programme may have merit, ripping out tobacco crops and shutting factories would be far more beneficial to the environment and the nation’s health. 

That’s not going to happen, for commerce and government are beyond de-tox. In 2018, Indonesia produced about 180,000 tonnes of tobacco while the tax office harvested AUD 1.6 billion.

The JP’s pioneer writers sweated under the scrutiny of the authoritarian New Order regime of General Soeharto.  Despite the constraints, news the regime smothered was slipped past censors foxed by complex English. Nor did the blue pencils notice the clever placement of copy which led sage readers to fit the jigsaw together. 

The paper thrived after the fall of Soeharto in 1998 and the Republic’s transition to democracy. At one stage it was reportedly selling more than 40,000 copies daily. 

Much of the Indonesian media is owned by diehard oligarchs from the Soeharto era linked to religious groups and blatantly backing political parties. In this partisan jungle the JP ‘always bold, always independent’ was considered a cleanskin, more Guardian than Australian.

It was powered by a new generation of incandescently bright and idealistic journos energised by the nation’s rebirth.  They were part of Reformasi, eager to tell the world what was going on and why.

Many had been educated overseas - often the US - and wrote good English.  The JP moved to a 28 page, seven-day publication and a colour supplement.

Now it’s lost around 70 of its 100 staff, sacked or who quit - angered by the cutback to six days, no magazine and only 11 pages.  Rahman wouldn’t confirm the numbers lost but stayed buoyant, claiming an unspecified ‘uptick’ in print subscribers.  Expansion to 16 pages is planned for 2022 and there have been new hires.

 

Although the paper seems indifferent to association with Djarum, it’s sensitive with China Watch, a four-page ‘supplement of news and commentary prepared by China Daily’. A front-page disclaimer reads: ‘The Post is not responsible for the supplement’s content.’

 

‘Nothing has changed when it comes to (banning) cigarette ads,’ said Rahman. ‘This probably doesn't fit the narrative that 'the media is so desperate that now we take money from cigarette makers’.

 ‘We don't always do a good job on how these ads were presented, but we make sure that readers know these are paid contents and also we always steer clear of products prohibited by the Press Law to be subject of ads eg liquor, healthcare providers and some others.’

A publication jealous of its reputation wouldn’t be gulled by advertisers’ artifice.  Now would it need a Press Law to help stub out the proven harm caused by the industry.

Disclosure: The author was a regular paid contributor to The Jakarta Post for a good slice of this century.

First published in Pearls & Irritations, 15 December 2021: https://johnmenadue.com/puff-pieces-harm-one-of-indonesias-most-respected-newspapers/

 

 

 

INDONESIA'S CHRISTMESS

 

Image:  The Telegraph

             Indonesia’s cheerless Christmas carol 

 

 

 

Joko Widodo is Indonesia’s Ebenezer Scrooge.  The President has done more than cancelling Christmas and New Year hols; he’s also reinstated ten days in quarantine for international visitors who chance to squirm their way into the archipelago.

There have been more rah-rah stories of Bali on the cusp of welcoming foreigners in time for the year-end break than mutations of Covid.  Tourism and Creative Economy Minister, Sandiaga Uno started cheering in September.  His enthusiasm was much applauded by overseas media which forgot to download the scepticism app vital for reporting on Indonesia.

Ngurah Rai opened on 14 October but the control tower has yet to see an international flight on an approach path.

Sorry to disappoint those seeking cheap villas served by low-paid staff, but there’ll be no passing through the Candi Bentar (split gateways) into the Island of the Gods anytime soon: Scrub Kuta and its plastic-strewn beaches off the must-see lists. 

 

SEE FOOTNOTE

Warning: That was the situation as the keyboard was being tapped. However, no guarantee things will be better or worse by the time the story’s on your screen.  For Jakarta’s responses to the virus have been as confusing and contradictory as any regulations proclaimed in Canberra and State capitals.   

Almost every day there are new Pemberlakuan Pembatasan Kegiatan Masyarakat (PPKM Enforcement of Restrictions on Community Activities) edicts supposedly being enforced by the police, military and community groups.

Involving soldiers in civic issues was the dwi-fungsi (two functions) policy used by the authoritarian President General Soeharto (1965-98).  Human rights activists reckon its revival to cope with a pandemic response is a sign of ‘democratic regression.’

Johns Hopkins University records show around 4.3 million confirmed cases of Covid 19 and 144,000 deaths so far – figures considered too low by independent epidemiologists. To date about 140 million Indonesians have received their first vacs and 97 million a second needle.  That’s about 36 per cent of the total population. Children over six are eligible. Despite these stats, internationally Indonesia ranks ’low’ for the disease.

Getting vaccinated is supposed to be compulsory.  The jabs are free and reluctance to bare arms is reported to be based on ignorance and isolation rather than an exercise of so-called sovereign rights. The government can hit refuseniks by cutting social assistance programs or even fining, though that’s rare.

Our neighbours haven’t been waving placards and carrying gallows outside Parliament to uphold their freedom to be fools. Instead, they’ve applied the time-honoured Indonesian approach to handling authorities:  Don’t challenge, just agree, then ignore.

Here’s how it works:  Although the uniforms were a giveaway, the footage could have been dropped into Australian TV news with hardly an edit. Smart, polite young cops respectfully asking motorists about their vaccination status and distributing brochures on precautions.

For those living outside Jakarta, the police PR looked foreign. Research published in Australia in 2013 found ‘public opinion overwhelmingly depicts Indonesia’s police force as corrupt, brutal, and inept.’  The situation has improved with better training and recruitment, but distrust lingers.

 Although the Indonesian government has passed decrees on movements, masks, distances and gatherings similar to those made Down Under, enforcement is fitful. As camera gear was clicked off tripods the fuzz went off duty.

In a bid to stop a blow-out of Omicron and its mutations-in-waiting, Jakarta has banned bureaucrats and workers in state-owned and private companies from taking leave between Christmas Eve and 2 January.

Quoth the President: ‘We hope that we can manage this well because almost all epidemiologists are afraid that what triggers a third wave could be during Christmas and New Year.’

In the years BC (Before Covid) Christmas day and 1 January were officially holidays.  Many used the week between to stay out of the office and head to backblock villages to catch up with rellies.  They’ve already had one chance in May during Idul Fitri, the religious festival marking the end of the fasting month.

Orders were made to halt the Mudik city exodus, but the bans didn’t stop innovative Indonesians from getting through or past roadblocks, sometimes helped by bribing cops.  That’s likely to happen again later this month.

Celebrating the birth of Jesus is a big deal for Christians whose numbers nudge the population of Australia, but of less interest to the 87 per cent who follow the Prophet.

That statistic is shaky and based on the compulsion to confess a government-approved religion stamped on every adult’s ID card.  Civil libertarians regularly try to get the law erased arguing faith is  personal, but the powerful Islamic lobby fights hard fearing the nation would wander towards  Western agnosticism, shrinking preachers’ power and status.

Although Christians’ rights (religious freedom is guaranteed in the Constitution) to celebrate will be contained and muted as a public health measure, devout Muslims will be flying to Mecca this month for their rites. They’ll travel for the lesser pilgrimage umrah after Saudi Arabia lifted travel restrictions and opened its holy sites.

Unlike the mandatory haji which can only be performed at a specific time (next year in mid July) umrah can be done at any time.

For nine days the Indonesians will mix with thousands from countries like India and Pakistan and then return home. Which seems like a formula for spreading the virus; it’s certainly distressing doctors.  Omicron has been detected in the Arab kingdom, though not yet in Indonesia. 

At the start of the pandemic last year the then Health Minister Terawan Agus Putranto’s prescription was prayer.  ‘It’s our nation’s right to rely on the Almighty,’ the Catholic army medical doctor  told journalists.  Which sounds a bit like Australian luddites’ reliance on …

Whoops – better stop there.  Australian politicians lodge defamation writs to squash unpalatable comments, but Indonesian clerics access blasphemy laws.

First published in Pearls & Irritations, 8 December 2021: https://johnmenadue.com/indonesias-haphazard-pandemic-response-is-no-holiday/

UPDATE - from Bali Beat 8 December:

The Big News

“The Government Cancels Implementing PPKM Level 3 Equally but Enforces Tightening” from Antara Bali (Indonesian): The government has decided not to cancel PPKM level 3 in the Christmas and New Year periods equally in all regions, but to impose a number of restrictions. Thus, the implementation of the PPKM level during Christmas and New Year will follow the assessment of the pandemic situation as applicable, but with some tightening. "Travel conditions will continue to be tightened, especially at the border for passengers from abroad. However, the PPKM policy during the Christmas and New Year period will be made more balanced, accompanied by testing and tracing activities that continue to be intensified," said the Coordinating Minister for Maritime Affairs and Investment. Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan on Monday.

Context: The situation is unclear with many contrasting news stories on the topic. Details of what this cancellation will mean are yet to be revealed, though it appears the underlying health protocols will remain in place and fireworks remain banned (Indonesian). While the spokesperson for Badung regency said they were awaiting clarification (Indonesian) and the Deputy Governor came out in support of the revocation (Indonesian).

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COURT HITS BUS BRAKES

 

The Omnibus has changed routes      

 

    

Image:  Kompas       

In an unexpected win, Indonesian labour unions’ protests against new laws corroding workers’ rights have been trounced by the Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) Constitutional Court.   But the ruling also threatens the government’s hopes to make the Republic a safe place for venture capital.

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A year ago academics were labelling the passing of President Joko Widodo’s signature legislation on employment and administrative reform as his ‘political dream come true’.  Now he’s scrambling to reassure that the court’s unappealable decision doesn’t mean international lenders should scrub the archipelago off lists of places to park their money.

The Omnibus Law, named because it puts many laws in the same carriage, raced through the Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR-People's Representative Council) in eight months last year making no stops to pick up workers and greenies waving placards and fists on kerbsides across the nation. 

The name above the windscreen read Undang-Undang Cipta Kerja (Job Creation Law).  It was furiously driven by Widodo determined to reach his goal of business and workplace reform by scrapping 43,000 regulations on hiring and firing which were said to be roadblocks frightening overseas bankers.

The government predicted the changes would deliver three million jobs for school-leavers and graduates, plus six million for those who have lost work through the pandemic. No sources for these calculations were revealed.

Widodo has long complained that his country’s ranking in the World Bank's Ease of Doing Business Index has stuck in the 70s – far from his aim for position 40. (Singapore =2, Malaysia and Australia = 14.)

Unions argued the law slashed job severance pay-outs and crushed wage increases.  As in Australia, the shift to the gig economy is generally welcomed by the top end of town because it gives more space to hire and fire.

 

Image: Beritakini

Environmentalists complained that impact studies on mines and land clearing for oil-palm plantations would be restricted to major projects allowing smaller development proposals to avoid scrutiny.

Before the new law was signed sacked workers got 32 months’ salary – that was cut to 19 months. The minimum wage also vanished.

Omnibus allowed wages to be linked to business productivity, not the employees’ education, skills and years of service. Holidays were cut from two days a week to one; long-service paid leave was also farewelled.

Big business labelled the changes a ‘breakthrough’ for shredding Indonesia’s notorious red-tape blockages, clearing the way for an online single submission licensing system.  However, they were worried the rush meant many route details hadn’t been well considered.  Four different drafts, varying from 812 pages through to 1,035, were circulated.

The government promised to make repairs along the way but didn’t imagine being pulled over by nine robed judges. They said the drafting process was handled badly because the Constitution doesn’t recognise an Omnibus Law, particularly one driven over the limit.  It ignored well-established rules on making new laws and regulations, nor did it give time for outside interests to get on board.

Then a weird insertion: The DPR must start the lawmaking process again within two years otherwise all laws run over by the Omnibus will be reinstated.  So although the new law is unconstitutional it stays in place.

Widodo told the media: ‘In a democratic nation that is based on the rule of law, the government respects and will immediately implement what has been ruled by the Constitutional Court

‘I have instructed the coordinating ministers and other related ministers to immediately follow up on the ruling as soon as possible… I assure you that the Government guarantees investment certainty and security in Indonesia.’

Coordinating Economic Minister Airlangga Hartarto reinforced the President’s position by explaining the court’s decision didn’t nullify regulations made before the MK ruling.

So four special economic zones, which have apparently attracted commitments to invest Rp 90 trillion (AUD 8.6 billion) will still go ahead. Almost 400,000 licenses issued under a law deemed a crock by the highest legal authority in the land will still be honoured.

Singapore-based Australian lawyer Bill Sullivan has written that the Omnibus Law had been presented to the world as Widodo’s plan to boost recovery from the economic crisis triggered by the pandemic through encouraging more foreign investment.

He fears it’s now a public relations disaster revealing a government ‘so careless and, frankly, inept’ that it didn’t bother to follow proper law-making procedures:

 ‘The next two years is likely to be a difficult time for Indonesia as the government desperately tries to convince investors that they don’t have any reason to doubt the continuity of the Job Creation Law’s reforms much less the competency of the government in providing a reliable legal, policy and regulatory environment.’

There is a plus - the MK has shown a streak of independence. The unions were pessimistic of their chances, expecting the court to back the government.  Their success has been applauded by the International Trade Union Confederation.

The mess could be the result of Widodo getting too impatient and cocky, losing touch with his worker base – as Indonesians say, kacang lupa kulit (the peanut has forgotten its shell).  After his second win in the 2019 presidential elections, he built a coalition of parties to neutralise opposition.  Some academics reckon this ‘appears to his critics to have made him beholden to business interests, especially those businesses owned by members of his own inner circle’.

From now till late 2023 the Republic has a conditionally unconstitutional law.   Investors seeking certainty won’t find it in Indonesia.

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First published in Australian Outlook, 3 December 2021:  https://www.internationalaffairs.org.au/australianoutlook/the-omnibus-has-changed-routes/